Capitalism stands its trial before judges who have the sentence of death in their pockets. They are going to pass it, whatever the defense they may hear; the only success victorious defense can possibly produce is a change in the indictment.

—Joseph Schumpeter

From its beginning, the common wisdom has been that capitalism is bad. It is claimed that capitalism is ethically wrong, has bad practical consequences, and is unnecessary. But this claim is entirely false—in fact, the opposite is true: capitalism is both morally and practically optimal, and there is no other possible social arrangement compatible with modern society.

It is important to precisely define ‘capitalism’ from the outset to avoid being misunderstood. Capitalism is the free market system, based on property, contract, and voluntary exchange. In a truly free society, where people are free to live as they please, free markets are practically guaranteed to arise as the result of voluntary production and trade undertaken by people seeking to improve their conditions. In other words, capitalism is the default social system of a free society.

Much of the anti-capitalistic sentiment is aimed not at this voluntaristic conception, but at the currently existing system of state capitalism. This interventionist system is characterized by a market that is no longer free but hampered by all sorts of government restrictions, which result in many undesirable and unintended consequences. It is primarily these outcomes that the anti-capitalists—in mistakenly attributing them to free market capitalism—object to.

Morality

A widely held objection to capitalism is that it is immoral. This charge is mainly based on Marx’s claim that capitalists exploit laborers by taking as profits what properly belongs to the workers. This incredibly naive view was exploded long ago, but it persists today among those ignorant of economics—it can hardly be denied that profits are widely considered antisocial and evil.

Marxian exploitation can only exist if goods acquire their value from the labor imbued in them. But this notion—the labor theory of value—was long ago rejected and replaced by the subjectivist notion of prices being determined by the relationship between supply and demand. It turned out that the persistent profit that Marx thought was a sure sign of exploitation was in fact an interest return—compensation to the capitalist for purchasing inputs such as materials and labor up front and only collecting revenue from sales later on. In fact, if the workers wished to earn this interest return, they could arrange to be paid only once the goods are sold. The fact that they do not indicates that they prefer to forgo the interest return in favor of regular, steady pay.

As capitalism has showered the common man with wealth and eliminated mass poverty wherever freedom has existed, the anti-capitalists have resorted to accusing capitalism of corroding virtue. According to them, capitalism breeds consumerism, materialism, and selfishness. While this is manifestly not true, even if it were, what is the alternative? People can only exhibit virtue if they are free to choose so. Forced virtue is not virtue at all. Only freedom—which entails capitalism—can allow people to exhibit virtue.

Capitalism is merely the result of leaving people free to live as they please (provided that they do not infringe on the freedom of others.) If they decide to engage in mutually consensual capitalist acts, who has any right to interfere? Capitalism is the outcome of freedom: any attempts by government to curtail capitalism must do so at the expense of freedom. Capitalism and freedom share the same fate.

Economics

Another popular myth is that capitalism enriches the capitalists and impoverishes the masses. This is flatly contradicted by history—the common person has been lifted out of poverty and has gone on to become fantastically wealthy as a result of capitalistic mass production. Economic science can explain: competition among firms brings prices down to the level of costs, and it also creates strong incentives for innovation. Large scale production has brought the unit cost, and hence price, of most goods down to levels easily within the reach of the common person.

This myth is rooted in zero-sum thinking—that the gains of business come at the expense of the rest of us. But voluntary exchanges benefit both parties, otherwise the exchanges would not occur. Capitalism is positive-sum: businesses earn their incomes by competing to sell goods that consumers want. Capitalists become rich by enriching consumers with better and cheaper goods. They lose their wealth as soon as they fail to stay abreast of the competition to serve consumers.

In fact, the fruits of capitalist efforts largely accrue to workers. Increased capital investment reduces unit production costs while competition quickly eats away any profits that arise. But more capital also increases the productivity of labor, so wages get bid up by competing employers. So, while capitalists earn fleeting profits, workers enjoy a steady rise in wages. Truly, capitalism is good to the common person, both as a consumer and a worker.

Faced with these arguments, opponents of capitalism often turn around and blame capitalism for being unsustainable. Capitalism, they say, is short-sighted. It depletes the earth’s resources without concern for the future. Such arguments are totally wrong, ignoring the fact that prices serve to allocate resources through time. For example, if it was forecast that X would run out in a few years, speculators would buy lots of X now in order to sell it later at a higher price. By doing so, speculators conserve X today for use in the future. The higher present price of X would guide people to use X more efficiently and sparingly, and to find substitutes.

Necessity

Finally, for all their hatred of capitalism, the critics have no workable alternative compatible with modern living standards for the common person. The more the market is hampered by government interventions, the worse off the common person will be. And there are no non-market alternatives that could sustain modern society. Society is a bottom up, emergent order, incompatible with top down management.

Conclusion

But if all these claims of the anti-capitalists are false, why are these ideas so popular? Why have the correct ideas not slowly gained acceptance over time? Evolutionary psychology provides the answer: the aversion to capitalism is an artifact of our evolution in small communal bands. In the world of our distant ancestors, such things as zero-sum thinking and judging actions based on their intentions were pretty good rules to follow. But in the modern world, they are wholly inaccurate and can only serve to stand in the way of progress for the bulk of humanity.

The claims of the anti-capitalists are not only completely false, but totally backwards. Capitalism is the product of a society where each is free to live and associate as they wish. Interventionism and socialism depend on government force and are thus inescapably exploitative. Capitalism, far from impoverishing the masses, enriches them at an incredible rate. Far from being unsustainable, capitalism allocates resources optimally between present and future.

Capitalism is the optimal social arrangement on both moral and practical grounds. But if people are bound to believe otherwise because of their evolved preferences, then a counteracting educational program is of utmost importance. The ideas are simple yet powerful, but the challenge is to get them heard.

 

 

The Non-Aggression Principle is the foundation of libertarianism. It forbids aggression, i.e., the initiation of force against others. While there are many different justifications for the NAP, the simplest argument is an appeal to commonsense morality: we should deal with other people through reason and persuasion rather than violence and coercion.

In his article “The Irrelevance of Responsibility,” Roderick Long presents an Aristotelian Golden Mean justification of the NAP. He argues that a flourishing human life requires striking a balance between the subhuman and the superhuman. Since reason is the essential human trait, a truly human life requires relating to others through persuasion. Dealing with others through force is subhuman; but refusing to use force against aggressors is superhuman. Thus the NAP—using force only in defense—represents a Golden Mean between the extremes of subhuman aggression and superhuman pacifism.

What follows is an excerpt from Long’s article (p. 119, 121-124). Keep reading...

 

“Capitalism is the best. It’s free enterprise. Barter. Gimbels, if I get really rank with the clerk, ‘Well I don’t like this’, how I can resolve it? If it really gets ridiculous, I go, ‘Frig it, man, I walk.’ What can this guy do at Gimbels, even if he was the president of Gimbels? He can always reject me from that store, but I can always go to Macy’s. He can’t really hurt me. Communism is like one big phone company. Government control, man. And if I get too rank with that phone company, where can I go? I’ll end up like a schmuck with a dixie cup on a thread.” —Lenny Bruce

A common refrain among people unfamiliar with libertarian theory is that corporations are the problem and government is the solution—that government needs to tightly regulate private business to rein in corporate greed. This view is fundamentally confused. It entails that private business—which derives its means by voluntary exchange—is the problem, while government—which derives its means through violence—is the solution.

First, greed is a universal feature of human nature that’s here to stay. Businessmen have always been and will always be greedy. And the rest of us are greedy too, in the sense of being self-interested. That includes the agents of the government. Since government can use violence to achieve its ends, we should be much more worried about predation by greedy politicians and bureaucrats.

Of course, businessmen are not angels. Like all people, they can be jerks and criminals. Adam Smith’s great insight was that businessmen benefit others not out of benevolence, but by their own greedy pursuits in a free market. Under the institution of free market competition, private predation can be minimized and the social benefits of greed can be maximized. But this cannot be achieved with a government in existence.

Greedy businessmen don’t passively submit to regulations, they lobby and do whatever they can to gain control of the regulatory body. Once they have access to the political means, they use it as a tool to hinder their competition, to the detriment of everybody else. Gabriel Kolko has shown that even the Progressive Era regulations were pushed through by big business to restrict competition. Where there is government, businesses will fight to control it for their benefit. Under government, the corporation becomes an exploiter.

In fact, free market competition is the best kind of “regulation”. Where there is competition, people have choice and can avoid businesses they don’t like. And businesses have incentives to publicize the misbehavior of their competitors. Competition is simply the best check on private predation. Furthermore, it can be supplemented by other voluntary measures, like boycotts, to seal any cracks. There is no reason to introduce legalized violence in the form of a government.

Government is not the solution, it is the root problem. Government brings with it the problem of public predation, and creates the avenues for systematic private predation. Advocating more government as the solution to private predation is like trying to put out a fire by dousing it with gasoline. Without government, private predation can be restrained through market competition. In other words, government is the ultimate cause and corporations are the proximate cause of the problems. Don’t be a branch-striker. Strike the root.

[Further reading: Roderick Long, Can We Escape the Ruling Class]

 

Social decayDespite incredible advances in knowledge and technology over the past few decades, living standards have actually declined (also see here and here). [edit Aug 2010: In retrospect this statement was too strong, living standards are certainly higher today. It would be more accurate to say that the rate of increase has fallen.] Taken alone, this makes no sense—comparable advances in the past, such as the industrial revolution, have sparked enormous increases in prosperity. On top of falling living standards, civilization is crumbling: war, poverty, crime, debt, disease, social dysfunction, family breakdown, hedonism, etc. Why are so many things going wrong, despite unparalleled advances in knowledge and technology? This is the great unanswered question of our time. Keep reading...

 

I’ve uploaded a new article – The Case Against Gun Control.

Here’s the abstract:

Gun control violates the right of individuals to control their own property. It also violates economic law. Enforcement of gun control creates incentives to produce guns on the black market. Gun control causes crime and corruption, whereas gun ownership actually deters crime, and is a check against tyrannical government. In a free society, weapons can be controlled through voluntary, peaceful means.

I wrote this after reading John Lott’s More Guns, Less Crime. I wasn’t impressed with his empirical approach, so my goal was to build a case against gun control based on economic principles and theoretical, a priori arguments.

 

I’ve uploaded another article – The Case Against Drug Prohibition.

Here’s the abstract:

Prohibition violates the right of individuals to control their own bodies, and violates economic law. Any increased enforcement of prohibition creates greater incentives to produce drugs. Prohibition causes crime and corruption. It increases the potency and reduces the quality of drugs, causing consumption-related deaths. The solution to drug abuse is not aggressive violence, but voluntary cooperation.

This article is primarily based on the arguments from Mark Thornton’s The Economics of Prohibition (PDF here). I was also inspired by Milton Friedman’s arguments in his interview on drugs. I think readers will be most surprised by the arguments that prohibition is self-defeating and increases the potency of drugs.

 

Here’s the first article from my new articles section – The Case for Free Trade.

Here’s the abstract:

Free trade is both morally and practically superior to protectionism. First, protectionism violates the right of individuals to engage in voluntary exchange. Second, specialization and trade are beneficial whenever there is absolute or comparative advantage between individuals. Finally, protectionism is a negative-sum game: it makes everyone worse off, including the “protected” industries.

For those readers familiar with the Paul Craig Roberts/capital mobility debate, I’d like to know what you think of my critique (in the “Objections” section).

 

According to standard homesteading theory, just as an individual can homestead and establish a property right in unowned land, they can also homestead and establish a pollution easement in unowned land. Whereas traditional homesteading gives a full property right, i.e. ultimate jurisdiction over land, pollution easements only give a limited property right, namely the right to pollute some land.

In his article Law, Property Rights, and Air Pollution, Rothbard writes (p.145-46):

The “first ownership to first use” principle for natural resources is also popularly called the “homesteading principle.” If each man owns the land that he “mixes his labor with,” then he owns the product of that mixture, and he has the right to exchange property titles with other, similar producers. This establishes the right of free contract in the sense of transfer of property titles. It also establishes the right to give away such titles, either as a gift or bequest. Keep reading...

 

This article is a sequel to my previous post “Root Causes and the Libertarian Immigration Debate”. Continuing the discussion on what strategy libertarians should follow with regards to immigration, I will argue that even if we accept the Hoppean argument for closed borders, the conclusion still violates libertarian principles.

Toward a Theory of Strategy for Liberty

In chapter thirty of his book “The Ethics of Liberty”, Rothbard laid down the groundwork of anarchist strategy. Basically, there are two principles libertarians must keep in mind when pursuing strategy. First, we must not violate the nonaggression principle. Second, we must be abolitionists, for advocating anything less than the immediate abolition of aggressive violence would mean the sanctioning of injustice. Keep reading...

 

My paper “A Rothbardian critique of Cuzán and Ostrowski and a Typology of Anarchy”, has been posted in the Mises Institute Working Papers. Here’s the abstract:

With his 1979 article “Do we really ever get out of anarchy?” Alfred Cuzán provides us with a wonderful insight: “Anarchy, like matter, never disappears – it only changes form.” Cuzán argues that anarchy, defined as the absence of a third party territorial monopolist of ultimate jurisdiction, is omnipresent: Regardless of what political system we live under, there will always be anarchic relationships, namely those between the actual members of government. James Ostrowski, in his article “The Myth of Democratic Peace”, extends this argument to show that there are four more anarchic relationships in current society. The omnipresence of anarchy is undeniable. However, there are problems with this analysis. It is not compatible with the root word definition of anarchy as “no rulers”, nor does it incorporate such governmental (non-anarchic) relationships as taxation and regulation. Happily, the analysis can be repaired by applying Murray Rothbard’s “typology of intervention” and creating a corresponding “typology of anarchy”.

My plan is to have this published in the Journal of Libertarian Studies. Academia, here I come!